This Months Podcast
Podcast Interview with Geraldine Ferraro
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by Patricia V. Davis
(Editor’s Note: This interview was converted from analog tape to MP3 nine months after Ms. Ferraro’s passing, in honor of Italian American Heritage Month 2011.)
Five years after her historic run for Vice President of the United States, I had the privilege of interviewing Geraldine Ferraro. It was 1989, and I’d barely stepped out from behind the confines of my native New York, still “green in judgment, cold in blood.” All of this is readily apparent in this interview where, in a pronounced East Coast accent I wasn’t aware I’d had, I not only interrupt, but argue with my idol as she patiently answers my questions about why she conducted herself with such restraint during the 1984 Mondale–Ferraro presidential campaign, a race in which everything about her, from her integrity to her sex to her lineage, was maligned by her political opponents, whose persecution of her was gleefully supported by the mainstream press.
She told me that she couldn’t be seen reacting emotionally, or rather “like a woman,” by calling George Will out for his blatant sexism, or refuting false allegations of tax fraud and connections to the Mafia. She didn’t react either when, after she’d stood up in support of women’s rights, she got a public verbal flogging by then-archbishop of New York, Cardinal O’Connor, because she didn’t want to upset her “Catholic constituents.” She explains away why only 22% of women voters supported her campaign for Vice President, although she admits she was “surprised by that.” She does confess that she was frustrated because the Democrats spent “a lot of time yakking and not enough time acting,” and that they “shouldn’t have allowed the Republicans to drive the campaign issues.”
How ironic that nothing has changed about the way the Democrats conduct business, and 22 years later, I still disagree with their methods. Furthermore, I still wish that Geraldine Ferraro had defended herself against every slanderous accusation that came her way. I don’t believe the outcome could have been any worse, but then again, I’m speaking from a generation of women who were brought up on the word “no,” but rarely took “no” for an answer. Geraldine’s generation was also brought up on that word, and too many conformed to the expectations of their time, which is one of the reasons only a small percentage of women in her age bracket supported her candidacy (but more on that later). Because Geraldine was a forerunner, particularly in politics, she had to tread more carefully, or so she was advised. That fact doesn’t make it sting any less, because even today, women who strive to achieve positions of power in the United States are still treated with contempt, and Geraldine Ferraro got it the worst.
It was scarcely mentioned in the major press outlets during her campaign that she was brilliant. She went to Marymount College on a scholarship at the age of 16, graduated in 1956, and became a teacher in the New York City public school system shortly thereafter. Still feeling unfulfilled, she then took night classes at Fordham University, where she was one of two women in a class of 179 pupils, earning her law degree in 1960, the same year she married. When the youngest of her three children went to school full time, Ferraro began working in private practice, and in 1974 she became an assistant district attorney in Queens County, New York. One of her most notable contributions to the District Attorney’s Office was creating the Special Victims Bureau, which prosecuted a variety of cases involving crimes against children and the elderly, as well as sexual offenses and domestic abuse. She became head of that department in 1977, and naturally, while she did the same work as her male colleagues and was even praised for her dedication, she discovered that she was being paid less than the men in her office.
The press also rarely mentioned that, in 1978, when she was first elected to the House of Representatives, she did a wealth of good there, too, continuing her fight for women, urging the passage of the Equal Rights Amendment. She became a fierce opponent of Ronald Reagan and his economic policies, objecting to his possible cuts to social security and medicare programs so vehemently that when Barbara Bush was asked how she would describe Ms. Ferraro, it prompted her to quip, “I’m not allowed to say it, but it rhymes with ‘rich.’”
After the Mondale ticket was defeated, Ferraro continued on in politics by representing the US at the United Nations on human rights issues during the Clinton administration. She was also a founding member of the National Organization of Italian-American Women. She never parlayed her career in politics into a reality show, or further aggrandize it by getting either of her daughters to be on Dancing With The Stars, either. (Though they did do one Diet Pepsi commercial together.)
As one of the few women in Congress at the time, Ferraro became a powerful symbol for the Feminist movement. Another seldom-mentioned fact about her was, despite the dressing down she’d received from the archbishop for being pro-choice, she was still a practicing Roman Catholic who went to church every Sunday. There are a lot of people in her neighborhood, including me, who can attest to what a down-to-earth person she was in her personal life. As I mentioned in the introduction of this interview when it first appeared in its entirety in the BQE, a now-defunct New York newspaper which had a circulation of about 50,000 at the time, another thing Geraldine and I had in common besides our background of teaching in the New York City public school system was that we went to the same hair salon, which is where (with the help of the manager, Mary Lopez) I mustered up the courage to ask her for an interview. She certainly knew what a big break she was giving me at the time by saying yes, and I never forgot it.
The taped part of our interview was never meant to be heard; it was for me to transcribe, which I did, painstakingly, during my two-year-old son’s naps. The original interview ran over an hour long and I cut out not one word. Due to my inexperience with the publishing world at the time, I believed that the entire American citizenry would read it, that they all should read it, and thus know what I knew for certain ─ that Gerry Ferraro was one hell of a standup gal. She was also one hell of a role model for a first-generation Italian-American Baby Boomer like me, who longed to be more, who longed to make a difference, just like she did.
I was crushed when she lost her bid for Vice President, crushed that she never returned to Congress, crushed again when her comments about Barack Obama were misunderstood (what else is new with the media and Ferraro?) and crushed a fourth time to learn that she lost her 12-year fight with cancer.
Though our editors did their best to re-engineer the sound, this podcast comes from a 22-year-old cassette tape, so try to ignore the background noises of Geraldine’s secretary on the phone, the incessant sneezing of an intern with a severe cold, and the background hissing of the original tape. Approximately half of the interview did not convert because Geraldine spoke softly to me even when I became upset, and the sound did not transfer over to the mp3 converter.
Nonetheless, we’re happy to present this small piece of history to you, and I have a new appreciation for the things she thought and said so long ago now that I’m the same age she was when she granted me this interview. It begins with her answer to my question, “Why do you think Walter Mondale picked you, a female, as his running mate?” and ends with Geraldine’s commentary about how no one came to her defense ─ not the women’s groups she so strongly supported, not the Italian-American groups ─ no one ─ as she was repeatedly slandered in the press.
If after hearing this podcast anyone is interested in the rest of what we discussed and what her answers were, please email me at patricia@harlotssauce.com, and I’ll happily send you a copy of the full transcript. Below are two videos for you to also enjoy ─ her Vice-Presidential nomination acceptance speech and a snippet from her 1984 Vice-Presidential debate with George Bush Sr., where, in a turnabout from her usual policy, she lets him know in no uncertain terms that she resents the fact that he’s talking down to her:
I also highly recommend her book, Ferraro: My Story, which can still be ordered on amazon.com by clicking the book cover below:
I did not see Geraldine Ferraro in person again until twenty years later, at Maria Shriver’s Women’s Conference in Long Beach, California. She was serving on a panel and I was there to take notes for the film production crew. I went up to say hello, wondering if she would remember me.
She did.
“Wow,” she said. “That was a long time ago.”
The Thing About Movements…
October 13, 2011 By Guest Writer 3 Comments
by Deborah Grabien
First things first: I should say, up front, that this is not going to be a particularly unbiased look at the Occupy movement. As much as I would have liked this to be an exemplar of classic journalism – with the author’s opinion tidily tucked into the background in favor of impartiality – that’s not happening. What started out, conceptually at least, as a balanced overview has become an op-ed piece, with heavy emphasis on the “op”. I should also say, up front, that I’ve now taken part in Occupy San Francisco, so I’ve had the chance to see for myself.
Look what’s happening out in the street –
Got a revolution! Got to revolution!
To some degree, we are almost all in the same boat: the good ship 99%. We are the unemployed, who are being told that not only are the jobs thin on the ground, but that unregulated corporate America is free to discriminate by hanging signs above the door: No unemployed people need apply. Only lateral movement welcomed. We are the middle class who, with ten-plus years of greed-run governmental policy behind us, are the middle class no longer; we’re now the slave class, thanks to our elected officials and the insidious stupidity that is the legacy of Milton Friedman and the Chicago School of Economics. We are the homeowners forced to guard our doors against banks who mismanaged their assets and forced their own customer base into usurious interest rates and ruinous mortgages – and foreclosure.
In case you hadn’t noticed, there’s an awful lot of us. 99% of the population, in fact. That makes us the majority. Hell, that makes us the super-majority.
Hey, I’m dancing down the street
Got a revolution! Got to revolution!
A couple of years ago, a collection of oversized dinosaur institutions admitted they were teetering at the edge of ruin. This had come about gradually, with help from previous political administrations, especially the most recent Republican one, George W. Bush and Friends; when The Powers That Be are big believers in sticking it to the working class and charging 32% interest on the lube they don’t bother to actually use, the fat cats do what they want. And when the Democratic congress cowers and abases itself before the Republican half of the equation, everyone loses. In this instance, what we lost was stability, and our futures. Not very surprising that we’d like a word with the people who lost it – except, of course, that they didn’t lose it. They stole it.
Ain’t it amazing all the people I meet!
Got a revolution! Got to revolution!
With Too Big To Fail entrenched as part of the American political and corporate mindset, certain things became inevitable. One was TARP: According to Pro Publica’s tracking list (http://projects.propublica.org/bailout/list), 926 banks and insurers were given $579,952,314,483 in taxpayer funds. Less than half of that – $277,810,865,263 – has been returned. And in fact, a ridiculous percentage of what was returned was raised by the recipient institutions using a technique that really does boggle the mind: They raised interest rates on their customer base – the same people who provided the government with the money to hand out to those institutions in the first place. They did it because they could; no one from Dick Cheney through Timothy Geithner was willing to impose regulations on these people. In the dimwitted greed-soaked world of Friedman Economics, the market regulates itself, and everyone else should just relax and back off – and, presumably, bend over and assume the position. Purest usury.
Robbing Peter to pay Paul is one thing. Robbing to Peter to pay Peter, whom you’ve already robbed, is in a class of ethical bankruptcy all by itself.
So, what have we got? We have a two-party system which seems, more and more, to be devoted to a common goal: creating a slave class that will rip each other’s throats out for the privilege of paying a 17% mortgage rate to Bank of America or AIG or Citicorp or one of the MAEs, while working a job that requires a name tag and a constant repetition of “you want fries with that?” We have a corporate power structure so bloated, so overweening, so unregulated, that it can wave its arms and sneer booga booga booga, nice little economy you’ve got here, shame if something HAPPENED to it, and a panic-stricken political structure will throw more money at it, with virtually no hope in hell of getting more than a dribble of it back.
In light of that farcically tragic situation, two things strike me as inevitable: the Tea Party and the Occupy Wall Street movement.
I hate the Tea Party. I’ll be upfront about that. The people making the noise on their behalf are, without exception, a collection of jinglebrained ninnyhammers who, presumably, all think they can see Russia from Sarah Palin’s gun rack. Michele Bachman takes government funding to “pray away the gay”; the obviously-named Rand Paul thinks “Atlas Shrugged” is a how-to manual, rather than a bad novel. The Tea Partiers shriek about wanting government out of the lives of the people from one side of their mouths, while trying to control reproductive rights and other peoples’ marriages out the other. They rail about the bad results of deregulation, while howling about how terrible things are when Big Government regulates things. What inconsistency.
They’re also a political movement, with a political agenda. The second inevitability, Occupy Wall Street, is something else altogether. With respect to Vice President Joe Biden (who compared the two movements and who, as a core part of the problem, should probably just shut up now), Occupy Wall Street – which is now in cities across America and has spread to a similarly financially beleaguered Europe – may be exactly what we need to get it right.
I’m not going too deep into the core of the movement. If you rely on Fox News or a Scaife or Murdoch-owned print news media, you’re probably already calling me rude names. I don’t waste time on lost causes. But if you’ve been paying attention in the real world, you know that, from New York to Boise to Atlanta to Miami to Pocatello to Seattle and well beyond, the social movement called Occupy is on the march and on the rise.
Because yes, this is a social movement. It has no political agenda. In fact, I’ve been hoping that Occupy refuses any hint of a political touch, because that would be the wedge the 1% used to break it apart. The moment someone sticks a flag in the movement and claims it in the name of Smaller Government or the Obama Jobs Creation Bill or Get Out of Afghanistan, it’s in trouble. This is about the diversity of the 299 million parts that make up the whole of that 99%. This is one of those rare instances where the sum of the parts and the parts are equally matched. That also makes them equally vulnerable. Hold fast, guys. Don’t let the bastards wedge you into nonexistence.
I spent about seven hours on the ground with Occupy San Francisco, in front of the Fed building on Market and Main. Following OccupySF’s tweets, I read that they were in desperate need of clean socks and underwear; luckily, Walgreen’s had a huge bin of $1.99-for-four-pairs of socks, so I blew my mad money for the week and scored twenty pairs of socks. I loaded up a couple of bags and, with old friend and sister rabble rousing progressive Denise Dunne in tow, we headed downtown to see what was what.
The cops on duty that day seemed very nice, which surprised me. I was expecting flaming Gestapo types – the previous night, interim mayor Ed Lee had dispatched a small army of pissed-off cops to the site of the Fed building on market and Main. Supervisor John Avalos – who is getting my vote for mayor next month – negotiated; the cops promised to leave the Occupiers alone, and then both manhandled them and stole all their stuff on a ridiculous assortment of bullshit charges as soon as Avalos was gone.
This was a new shift of cops, and they were more sympathetic than I’d expected. The new crew had let the protesters know that DPW would be coming by sweep again, and the protesters were worried. I brought my car around and we bundled as much into it as would fit, and I went off to park until DPW had been and gone. Mostly, what I stored safely were their sleeping bags.
Many of us saw what happened during the New York marches: the video of the thuggish white-shirted NYPD cop bragging that his nightstick was going to get a workout, of him and a few like him charging into a crowd of citizens who were breaking no laws, is now viral and imprinted. But this is San Francisco, city of traditionally loopy lefty progressive politics, of beatniks and hippies and the nation’s first openly gay politician. There were no sneering swaggering uniformed button-popping lumps of self-importance, waving nightsticks at the people they’d sworn to serve and protect. Mind you, if the idiot officer handling the media liaison for SFPD is anything to go by, there are still a few bugs in the local system; the man was rude, pompous and left me wanting to reach through the phone and slap him. Still, that’s easier to deal with than armed jackbootery.
For the hours I was there, the cops were fine. They kept the protesters off the property actually owned by the Fed, and made sure they stayed on the public sidewalk; that way, the Fed couldn’t bitch. When the Occupiers were joined by an anti-war march and the numbers swelled by several hundred, the police motorcycle escort were efficient and utterly non-confrontational. To a man (I saw no women officers on duty), they ignored the two completely naked guys, holding up signs.
As an old 1960s Viet Nam asskicker, I had some thoughts on the protest. I couldn’t help thinking it would have been even more effective had the people in the Fed looked down into complete silence, and seen that sea of faces and upturned signs. I was impressed with the General Assembly the Occupiers use to communicate: Information is passed through a widening circle of people, all repeating it aloud to make sure everyone’s on the same page. I was also impressed with the number of MUNI drivers who took part, in their own way; the curbside was lined with Occupiers holding up signs asking people to honk if they support the 99%. There was quite a lot of horn action going on, and a heartening percentage of that came from public transport vehicles. They know exactly what’s happening to their pensions, and who’s responsible, it seems.
Denise and I were interviewed by two nice young men from the Academy of Art college, who were filming a documentary. Their stated hope was to get it before the rest of their school and out into the neural pathways of the internet, via youtube and beyond. We signed waivers and answered questions as to what we believed was happening, why we thought it was happening, how it differed from what we’d seen back in the bad old days of the Viet Nam war protests. That really brought it home to me; my daughter is 32 years old, and it’s just possible the parents of the kids who filmed us, asked us intelligent questions and then listened to, recorded and filmed our answers without interruption had not yet been born when Denise and I were going mano a mano with the ancestors of that thug in the white shirt in New York City. A Moment, really, as telling as it was poignant: I’m old.
There are certain things this movement needs, the main thing being bodies willing to put themselves out there, 24/7. I can’t do that – with multiple sclerosis, certain things are simply not negotiable, and the soma is the last voice in what we do. Old or not, though, I can hold a sign and make noise, and that is precisely what I did. I can use the internet, tweeting what I say and blogging, and that’s just what I’m doing. I can and will make as much noise as I can, because silence, here, is complicity. I don’t choose to continue my dignified and stately progress towards the grave unable to meet my own eye in the mirror every morning. So silence is not an option – nor, if you are one of the 99% or understand what is happening, should it be an option for you. The good ship 99% is finally arming itself, albeit not violently, and it must not be allowed to founder.
That’s one thing about most movements, the thing that kills them, the thing I dread most about this one: that the Occupiers will waver. We have drawn this line in the sand, and told the greed-mongers, the thieves, that we’re on to them and that we’re going to hold them accountable. We’ve announced it, on the rising tide of outrage and smashed hope: We are not going away.
So Occupy can’t go away. It can’t waver. It can’t let itself be disheartened, scared off by misguided cops protecting the very people who are stealing their futures. It can’t let itself be pushed back or defeated by the winter that’s coming; they will need sleeping bags and supplies to keep them going through the cold brutal nights on the street.
Because, if we waver, we’re all likely to discover first-hand what sleeping on the street in the winter is all about.
Deborah Grabien is the author of numerous published books and articles, and editor at Plus One Press. Visit her website at: http://deborahgrabien.com/
Quoted lyrics are all from the Jefferson Airplane song, “Volunteers of America”.
Film, I Am Not Moving uploaded by Corey Ogilvie, includes photography from Alex Mallis.
The Occupation of America—2011
Or- The Ideological Ruminations of a “Jinglebrained Ninnyhammer”
by R.G. Ryan
An Economics professor at Texas Tech University was arguing with his students over the benefits of capitalism versus socialism. The professor was a proponent of capitalism while the majority of the class was largely socialistic in their ideology. So he said, “For the remainder of the year we will be Socialists and conduct our grading based on an average of the class grades so that everyone is equal.”
The students were thrilled.
The first test came: About half the class studied and got A’s while the rest of the class slacked off and got D’s and F’s. Luckily, on the strength of the A’s from the students who studied, everyone in the class got a B. So far, so good.
Second test came: Only a quarter of the class studied and got A’s while the rest of the class slacked off and got D’s and F’s (many of the “slackers” this time around were students who had studied hard on the first test only to see their high grades marked down). Based on the class average, everyone was given a C-minus. The first murmurs of discontent were heard.
Final exam came: Upset about studying hard for two tests only to get low grades based on class average, no one studied. The students capable of getting A’s didn’t study because they were angry over the other tests, while those students who slacked off in the beginning lacked the knowledge to score well on the final. As a result,everyone failed the course.
Amid outraged cries of, “But that’s not fair! Why should we suffer for the laziness of others?” the professor simply smiled and said, “Welcome back to capitalism.”
I share this story because at the heart of the “Occupy Wall Street” movement exists a bubbling cauldron of anger largely fueled by class envy. Oh sure, there are those who are mad as hell over government bailouts of the big corporations and resulting lack of accountability, the collapse of the housing market and overall economic malaise, and perhaps rightly so. But with, “We are the 99%!” as the movement’s battle cry, the implications are clear: Those in the 1% should be sharing what they have with the rest of us; any profit making is suspect; and the “bourgeoisie” arrived at their station on the backs of a downtrodden, oppressed proletariat. Or, in the immortal words of David Byrne, “same as it ever was; same as it ever was; same as it ever was…”
Sadly, there are those in political leadership who are stoking these fires of class warfare for political gain rather than working to arrive at a credible, viable solution. As a result, the movement ─ which started out as having no stated political agenda ─ has now been co-opted by a surrealistic hodgepodge of left-wing radicals, anarcho-syndicalists, aging sixties counter-culture radicals, neo-socialists, Marxists, and others who are basically broke, busted and disgusted! I get it. I’m there, too! The difference being that I expect nothing from the one percent. I expect nothing from my government save the freedom to succeed or fail on the basis of my own investment and effort.
All the anger directed toward that now legendary one percent—those über wealthy few—seems to miss the inarguable fact that in order for societies to thrive, one thing is needed above all else: wealth! It drives all cultures, whether a monarchy, democracy or socialist republic. Someone has to generate money, and providence seems to place individuals into every new generation who have a knack for doing just that.
In a movement and a current administration that leans ever more toward socialistic ideology than capitalistic, one wonders where the “distribution of wealth” is going to come from if no one is, well, wealthy. The reason every socialist experiment has failed throughout history (and the argument that it has never had a “fare chance to succeed” is a sad canard) is that socialism requires an endless supply of money. The problem is that while everyone wants to share in the profit, not everyone is willing to work to insure that monetary supply,that continuation of wealth. Like the students in my opening story, what motivates me to hand over the “profit” I produce if there is no incentive for me to keep producing?
Let’s use a hypothetical: Say you have a privately owned business employing 160 people and generating fifty million per year in revenue. One family has owned the business for over forty years having built it to its current level from scratch. The family members not only own the business, but also work, putting in more hours than any employee. Is it fair for this family to profit more than the workers? Of course! Why? Because the company was built as a result of their collective sacrifice and investment long before any of those workers were present. Additionally, when the company was slapped with a million dollar lawsuit, the family absorbed the loss, not the employees. And yet, I sense a dangerous shift in our nation’s collective soul moving us ever closer to “entitlement” mentality wherein the expectation is that businesses such as the one in this hypothetical example are expected to equally share whatever profit is gained, while at the same time continuing to absorb all the risk.
Our President obviously wants to do something about the severe problems facing our country and claims that the pathway out of our economic woes lies in the direction of higher taxes on the “wealthy.” That’s an interesting theory. Winston Churchill said, “Raising taxes to increase prosperity is like trying to pick up a bucket while you’re standing in it!” I’m pretty sure he’s correct. Our President, with his back to the wall and facing a rough re-election campaign, has promoted another theory that says the way to stimulate our economy is by introducing more government programs, more government subsidies, more government jobs, more government ─ period. I have a problem with this as well, because having “more” provided to you by the state plays into the law of diminishing returns. At some point, as it always does, the money will run out, because those few producing the wealth will grow weary of doing so and either stop entirely, or move their production to a more favorable economic climate. If the President really wanted to “stimulate” the economy, he should throw his inestimable weight behind the small business owners of this country and give them the help they need to put the growing ranks of unemployed back to work.
The individuals comprising the disparate crowd known collectively as the “Occupy…” movement are exercising their constitutional right. People have been demonstrating against one thing or another throughout most of history. Some demonstrations have even been successful. If you feel strongly inclined to do so, join them. Let your voice be heard. Personally, I think you’d be better served by “occupying” a voting booth come election time. But that’s just me.
If this movement isn’t enough and you feel inclined toward Socialism, then go be a socialist. Get together with all your friends who want to be socialists, provide 0% interest loans for each other. Pool your resources. Pay for each other’s houses. Buy group medical insurance policies. There is nothing stopping you from being a socialist. Really, though, pure socialism is only a theory and cannot be truly tested. The only way to find out if it works is to put it into practice, which requires a revolution by the “working class.” However, the working class will not revolt in a capitalistic society because they’re all satisfied with the status quo. Besides, redistribution of wealth already occurs. It’s called, “taxation.” And I am among the 53% who actually pays taxes.
Here’s the bottom line: The wealth of the world is now, and has always been unbalanced because people are selfish, not because of a particular political ideology. You want to break the back of poverty in this country, champion generosity.
R.G. Ryan is the author of “The Voices In My Head: The Danny Gans Biography” and the “Snapshots at St. Arbuck’s” series. He lives in Nevada with his first wife and their miniature schnauzer of some renown. Can sing a little. Visit his website at: http://rgryan.com/








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